|
|
|
Production
Category |
Percent
Change |
Share
of GDP |
| Manufacturing |
6.2 |
26.0 |
| Agriculture |
1.7 |
16.9 |
| Retail,
Hotel, Rest. |
5.7 |
15.2 |
| Mining |
2.3 |
12.9 |
| Services
|
2.2 |
9.4 |
| Finance
and Leasing |
4.7 |
6.2 |
| Construction |
6.7 |
7.1 |
| Transpo.
and Comm. |
9.4 |
5.0 |
| Electricity,
Gas, Water |
8.8 |
1.2 |
| Total
(categories weighted) |
4.8 |
100.0 |
B.
By Expenditure Category
|
Expenditure
Category |
Percent
Change |
Share
of GDP |
| Household
Consumption |
3.63 |
67.2 |
| Government
Expenditure |
6.49 |
7.0 |
| Investment |
17.91 |
24.3 |
| Exports |
16.06 |
35.5 |
| Imports |
18.18 |
30.7 |
Source:
Central Bureau of Statistics (BPS)
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on top.
3.
Table
1 highlights several important trends in Indonesia's real economy:
--On
the production side, growth was more balanced than in 1999, with
strong increases in manufacturing, retail, hotel, and restaurant
sales, construction, and transportation and communication.
Other recently released data confirm growing strength in the
manufacturing and retail sectors. Automobile production increased almost 300 percent in 2000
from its 1999 levels to approximately 345,000 units, only slightly
below its pre-crisis level. Retail
sales also posted a strong year-on-year increase, with one major
retailer reporting a 20-percent increase in sales at existing stores.
--Although
household consumption and investment also increased in 2000, exports
have become Indonesia's engine of growth.
In a very favorable external economic environment, non-oil and
gas exports surged to USD 47.8 billion in 2000, a 23.2 percent
increase in value over 1999. At
the same time, high oil prices led to a 44.5 percent increase in oil
and gas exports to USD 14.1 billion.
(Note: These
figures are raw trade data and do not correspond directly to the
contribution of the export sector to GDP per Table 1 above.)
Among manufactured goods (approximately 68 percent of total
exports), exports of electronics and electrical equipment more than
doubled from USD 4.8 billion in 1999 to USD 10.2 billion in 2000.
Exports of wood and paper products, textiles, and garments also
grew strongly in 2000.
--The
rate of growth of domestic household consumption increased to 3.63
percent in 2000 from 1.48 percent in 1999.
Quarterly data show that the rate of growth in consumption
spending more than doubled in the second half of the year.
Nonetheless, as a result of strong export and improved
investment performance, consumption as a share of GDP fell from 73.3
percent in 1999 to 67.2 percent in 2000.
--Gross
fixed capital formation increased 17.9 percent in 2000, its first
annual increase since the 1997-98 financial crisis.
Anecdotal data confirm the upswing in investment.
Domestic cement consumption, an indicator of construction
activity, increased 13.1 percent in 2000 to 30.7 million tons
(approximately 10 percent above its 1997 level).
In addition, BPS reported that imports of capital goods, an
indicator of business investment, increased 40.5 percent in 2000 to
USD 4.1 billion.
--While
a welcome development that shows some broadening of Indonesia's
recovery, the investment rebound in 2000 comes after declines of 45.7
percent in 1998 and 20.8 percent in 1999.
Moreover, other measures of investment, such as commercial bank
investment and working capital credits or investment approvals,
increased only modestly in 2000 if at all.
BPS's investment figures also deviate significantly from
private sector estimates. For
example, Citibank/Salomon Smith Barney reported that real gross fixed
capital formation in Indonesia grew by an estimated 1.2 percent in
2000 after a 54 percent slide in 1998-99.
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on top
Although
BPS figures for GDP growth do not directly measure poverty, 2000 was a
better year for Indonesia's poor.
The key factor was a 20-percent decrease in the real price of
rice in 2000 caused by a bumper domestic crop and historically low
international rice prices. These
supply effects overwhelmed Government efforts to protect the income of
non-subsistence rice farmers by raising the government-defended rice
floor price and raising the rice import tariff. Other staple food prices declined in real terms as well.
Economists have charted a direct correlation between rice
prices and poverty in Indonesia: according to BPS surveys, the lowest
quintile of Indonesia's expenditure groups spends 75 percent of its
income on food and 40 percent on rice alone.
The
approximately 30-percent real depreciation of the rupiah since 1997
has also boosted rural incomes as the price of domestically produced
non-tradable goods has decreased relative to the price of tradables.
Consumers have accordingly increased their purchase of
domestically produced non-tradables, a development that has raised the
incomes of many small-scale manufacturers.
Anecdotal evidence from rural areas suggests that Indonesia's
massive informal economy has benefited as the weak rupiah has opened
up export opportunities.
According
to the World Bank, lower food prices and rising rural incomes have
substantially reduced expenditure poverty rates in Indonesia from
their peak of 27 percent in early 1999.
However, the Bank points out that a very large number of
Indonesians remain vulnerable to poverty, particularly in the event of
an adverse economic shock.
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5.
Monetary Developments: Much Less Positive
In
contrast to the recovery in the real economy, monetary developments in
2000 were much less positive, particularly in the latter half of the
year:
--From
April through the end of December, the rupiah depreciated by
approximately 25 percent against the dollar in nominal terms, and for
the full year the currency lost almost 39 percent of its value against
the dollar.
--CPI
inflation accelerated noticeably in the third and fourth quarters to
1.74 percent and 4.48 percent respectively, more than double the level
in the first half of the year. Year-on-year
CPI inflation rate rose to 9.35 percent in 2000, significantly above
the Government's projected 5-7 percent rate.
--Indonesia's
risk premium (the spread between GOI Yankee bonds and U.S. Treasury
rates) rose from less than 400 basis points in February 2000 to 675
basis points in late November. During
the same period, one and three-month forward swap rates on the rupiah
more than doubled.
BI
pushed up one-month interest rates on BI certificates (SBIs) from
11.13 percent in early June to 14.53 at the end of the year in an
effort to reduce inflationary expectations and the demand for
currency, and to support the rupiah.
Nonetheless, the year-on-year growth rate of base money rose as
2000 went on to an average of 21.4 percent for the October - December
period, more than double the target rate set in Indonesia's IMF
program. Most analysts
agreed that a corrosive mix of negative political developments and
poor policy implementation by BI and the Government overwhelmed BI's
tentative steps to tighten monetary policy.
Restoring the integrity of BI monetary policy in 2001 will be a
key challenge (see below).
Preliminary
balance of payments data for 2000 show a continuation of Indonesia's
post-crisis pattern of large current account surpluses coupled with
continuing capital account deficits.
BI estimates that Indonesia's record exports in 2000 led to a
current account surplus of approximately USD 7.7 billion, but that the
country's capital account deficit remained significant at about USD
4.6 billion.
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6.
2001: Storm Clouds on the Horizon?
Despite
Indonesia's stronger than expected economic performance in 2000, a
steady drumbeat of negative economic and political developments in the
second half of the year has led most private forecasters to reduce
their forecast for GDP growth in 2001 to the 3-4 percent range.
--Declining
levels of consumer and business confidence, considered barometers of
future consumption and investment activity respectively.
The investment firm Danareksa's monthly consumer confidence
index stood at 56.4 in December 2000, down from 58.8 in July 2000 and
68.5 in December 1999. The
future expectations component of Danareksa's bimonthly Business
Sentiment Survey also declined significantly in late 2000, falling
from 128.5 in September to 123.3 in November, a decline of 4.1
percent.
--Clear
signs of economic slowdown in the U.S., and to a lesser extent Japan
and Europe. The U.S. and
Japan are Indonesia's largest exports markets, absorbing 32.1 percent
of Indonesia's non-oil exports in 2000.
Indonesia's relatively low-tech export products may be more
resistant to recessions than those of its more up-market ASEAN
neighbors. Nonetheless,
Indonesian exporters will clearly face a more challenging external
economic environment in 2001. Danareksa
predicts that the rate of growth in Indonesia's exports will slow to
approximately 10 percent in 2001.
--In
conjunction with the above, preliminary indications of a slowdown in
the rate of growth of non-oil and gas exports.
While seasonal variations in Indonesia's exports are common,
the value of fourth-quarter exports fell 7 percent from their
third-quarter levels, a rate more than four times greater than the
decline over the same period in 1999.
The year-on-year growth rate in exports also fell from 22.4
percent in the third quarter to 15.7 percent in the fourth quarter.
--Falling
oil prices, which affect the value of Indonesia's oil exports as well
as government budget revenues. The average price per barrel for Sumatra Light Crude (SLC)
fell to USD 24.12 in January, down from a high of USD 32.95 in
September 2000. The
average SLC price in 2000 was USD 28.53 per barrel.
--Flagging
progress on Indonesia's three-year, USD 5 billion IMF-supported
economic reform program (see below). Lack of GOI progress on important economic reform issues
forced the IMF to postpone its third review of the program in December
2000, and as of late February 2001 no agreement with the IMF seemed
imminent.
--And
perhaps most important, a string of security incidents, political
confrontations between the Wahid Administration and Parliament, and
policy flip-flops that many analysts said created the impression of
increasing governmental paralysis.
While
still well above recession levels, 3-4 percent GDP growth is only
about half of the 7.2 percent average GDP growth Indonesia experienced
from 1990-96. More
important from the viewpoint of social and political stability, GDP
growth of 3-4 percent does not create enough job opportunities to
absorb significant numbers of Indonesia's millions of unemployed and
under-employed workers and new labor market entrants.
Economists calculate that Indonesia's labor force is increasing
by 2.2 - 2.7 percent a year, a growth rate equivalent to 2-2.5 million
new job seekers each year. The
National Development Planning Agency (BAPPENAS) in turn estimates that
4 percent GDP growth translates into an increase in the demand for
labor of 2.4 percent, or 2.2 million new job opportunities per year.
These figures make it clear that in order to re-employ large
numbers of workers who lost their jobs during the 1997-98 crisis and
absorb new labor market entrants, Indonesia needs a sustained period
of GDP growth well above 3-4 percent.
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7.
Challenges for 2001: Restoring the Integrity of Monetary Policy
Indonesia
faces a score of medium- and long-term economic problems ranging from
implementing regional autonomy to improving the technological mix of
the country's exports. In
the short term, however, two challenges are paramount: restoring the
integrity of Bank Indonesia and its conduct of monetary policy, and
establishing the conditions for a sustained increase in business
investment.
Bank
Indonesia has been under intense institutional and policy pressure
since mid-2000. The
long-running dispute over BI has severely reduced confidence in both
BI and the Government's abilities to manage Indonesia's economy, a
perception that badly clouds the outlook for 2001.
BI Governor Syahril Sabirin is currently on trial for
corruption after spending more than five months under house arrest in
2000. Senior Deputy Governor Anwar Nasution and four other Deputy
Governors are in caretaker status after resigning in November as part
of an agreement with the GOI to resolve the Bank Indonesia liquidity
credit scandal. The
Government and Parliament have been discussing amendments to the Bank
Indonesia Law since November that would remove the present Board of
Governors and reduce the policy independence of the bank.
BI
now faces an increasingly difficult policy dilemma.
At the same moment it faces strong and growing political
pressure, it needs to dampen inflationary expectations and reduce the
demand for money to acceptable levels.
However, raising interest rates makes the operating environment
more difficult for Indonesia's already weak banking and corporate
sectors. It also imposes
significant fiscal costs on both the Government (in the form of higher
interest payments on its Rp 226 trillion of variable-rate bank
recapitalization bonds) and BI itself (through higher SBI interest
costs).
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8.
Establishing the Conditions for a Sustained Increase
in Business Investment
Despite
the increase in gross fixed capital investment noted above, by all
measures business investment in Indonesia remains far below pre-crisis
levels. Private capital
flows, including flows of foreign direct investment, have remained
consistently negative since the fourth quarter of 1997.
As a result of the large-scale transfer of bad loans to the
Indonesian Bank Restructuring Agency (IBRA), commercial bank credits
stand at only 45 percent of their pre-crisis levels in nominal terms,
and considerably less in real terms.
The dollar value of investment approvals in 2000 was only
one-tenth of their level in 1997.
Boosting
investment will not be easy. It
will require the disciplined implementation of an integrated set of
policies in a number of key areas:
--Most
critically, the GOI needs to more vigorously pursue the banking
sector, corporate, and judicial reforms spelled out in Indonesia's IMF-supported
program. Each of these
areas is crucial to improving Indonesia's attractiveness as an
investment location. Commercial
banks are financially weak and unable to lend to qualified local
borrowers. Most of
Indonesia's corporate sector cannot access local or international
capital markets because they have not fully restructured their debt.
Indonesia's unreformed judiciary makes it almost impossible to pursue
legal recourse as the Manulife case illustrated.
--The
Government and Parliament need to break the political logjam over IBRA
asset disposals. Slow
disposals mean that a large piece of Indonesia's productive economy
languishes in state hands.
--Calm
concerns about the direction and consistency of economic policy.
Recent policy decisions have contributed to a sense of policy
drift, including restrictions on the offshore transfer of rupiah, new
income tax laws and regulations, rising barriers to basic imports, and
the announcement and subsequent partial roll-back of luxury tax
increases and VAT applications.
--Also
important is improving security for investors and exporters,
particularly in isolated areas far from ports or major cities.
Investors report an increasing breakdown in law and order, even
in areas that have not experienced sectarian violence.
--And finally, the GOI needs to find ways to reduce the uncertainty
for potential investors resulting from Indonesia's ambitious regional
autonomy program. While
an important political priority in its own right, the implementation
of regional autonomy has left many questions unanswered.
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9.
Longer-Term Key: Fiscal Sustainability
The
GOI faces an unprecedented debt burden stemming largely from the Rp
670 trillion (USD 68 billion) costs of Indonesia's 1998-99 banking
sector meltdown. The
Government's gross international and domestic debt stood at
approximately USD 150 billion in late 2000, equal to 100 percent of
GDP. The Ministry of
Finance projected that net payments on foreign and domestic debt would
reach Rp 56 trillion (USD 5.7 billion) in fiscal year 2001,
approximately 25 percent of central government spending or four
percent of GDP. The Government's debt servicing burden will rise
significantly as large tranches of bank recapitalization bonds are
scheduled for redemption starting in 2004 and Indonesia's Paris Club
debt rescheduling consolidation period ends in March 2002.
When coupled with other structural rigidities in the GOI budget
(subsidies, regional autonomy costs, and personnel costs), the debt
burden gives the Government very little room to increase development
spending. Worrying to
many analysts is the possible development of a "debt trap"
in which high interest rates and inflation, a weak rupiah, and low GDP
growth cause Indonesia's debt-to-GDP ratio to spiral upward.
The
IMF and World Bank have outlined several scenarios for the future
development of Indonesia's economy. One is a "virtuous
cycle" in which solid GOI policy implementation spurs accelerated
GDP growth (based on high levels of market confidence and renewed
private capital inflows), rising levels of tax collections, and
declining debt-to-GDP levels. Most experts agree that Indonesia's
performance on the monetary policy and economic reform issues
described above will largely determine whether Indonesia's future
includes a debt trap or a virtuous cycle.
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